|
Influence
Robert B. Cialdini, Ph.D.
Dr. Robert B. Cialdini, Professor of Psychology at Arizona State
University, has spent over fifteen years in the scientific investigation of
the processes whereby people are persuaded and reach their decisions. He
enumerates six fundamental social and psychological principles underlying
the thousands of individual tactics that successful persuaders or compliance
practitioners use every day to get us to say yes.
*These principles are:
Rule of Reciprocity
According to sociologists and anthropologists, one of the most widespread
and basic norms of human culture is embodied in the rule of reciprocity. The
rule requires that one person try to repay, in kind, what another person has
provided. By obligating the recipient of an act to repayment in the future,
the rule for reciprocation allows one individual to give something to
another with confidence that it is not being lost. This sense of future
obligation within the rule makes possible the development of various kinds
of continuing relationships, transactions, and exchanges that are beneficial
to the society. Consequently, all members of the society are trained from
childhood to abide by the rule or suffer serious social disapproval. The
decision to comply with another's request is frequently influenced by the
reciprocity rule. One favorite and profitable tactic of certain compliance
professionals is to give something to another before asking for a return
favor. The exploitability of this tactic is due to three characteristics of
the rule for reciprocation:
- the rule is extremely powerful, often overwhelming the influence of
other factors that normally determine compliance with a request;
- the rule applies even to uninvited first favors, thereby reducing
our ability to decide whom we wish to owe and putting the choice in the
hands of others;
- the rule can spur unequal exchanges; to be rid of the uncomfortable
feeling of indebtedness, an individual will often agree to a request for
a substantially larger favor than the one he or she received. Another
way that the rule for reciprocity can increase compliance involves a
simple variation on the basic theme: instead of providing a first favor
that stimulates a return favor, an individual can make an initial
concession that stimulates a return concession. One compliance
procedure, called the rejection-then-retreat technique, or
door-in-the-face technique, relies heavily on the pressure to
reciprocate concessions. By starting with an extreme request that is
sure to be rejected, a requester can then profitably retreat to a
smaller request (the one that was desired all along), which is likely to
be accepted because it appears to be a concession. Research indicates
that, aside from increasing the likelihood that a person will say yes to
a request, the rejection-then-retreat technique also increases the
likelihood that the person will carry out the request a will agree to
future such requests. Our best defense against the use of reciprocity
pressure to gain compliance is not systematic rejection of the initial
offers of others. Rather, we should accept initial favors or concessions
in good faith, but be ready to redefine them as tricks should they later
be proved as such. Once they are redefined in this way, we will no
longer feel a need to respond with a favor or concession of our own.
Commitment and Consistency
People have a desire to look consistent within their words, beliefs,
attitudes and deeds...this tendency is fed from three sources:
- good personal consistency is highly valued by society;
- consistent conduct provides a beneficial approach to daily life;
- a consistent orientation affords a valuable shortcut through the
complexity of modern existence: by being consistent with earlier
decisions, one reduces the need to process all the relevant information
in future similar situations; instead, one merely needs to recall the
earlier decision and respond consistently with it. The key to using
consistency pressures for profit is the initial commitment: after making
a commitment (that is taking a stand or position), people are more
willing to agree to requests that are in keeping with the prior
commitment. Many compliance professionals try to induce people to take
an initial position that is consistent with a behavior they will later
request from these people. Commitments are most effective when they are
active, public, effortful, and viewed as internally motivated (uncoerced).
Once a stand is taken, there is a natural tendency to behave in ways
that are stubbornly consistent with the stand. The drive to be (and
look) consistent constitutes a highly potent weapon of social influence,
often causing us to act in ways that are clearly contrary to our own
best interests. Commitment decisions, even erroneous ones, have a
tendency to be self-perpetuating because they can "grow their own legs."
That is, people often add new reasons and justifications to support the
wisdom of commitments they have already made. As a consequence, some
commitments remain in effect long after the conditions that spurred them
have changed. This phenomenon explains the effectiveness of certain
deceptive compliance practices. To recognize and resist the undue
influence of consistency pressures on our compliance decisions, we
should listen for signals coming from two places within us: our stomachs
and our heart of hearts. Stomach signs appear when we realize that we
are being pushed by commitment and consistency pressures to agree to
requests we know we don't want to perform. Heart of heart signs are best
employed when it is not clear to us that an initial commitment was
wrongheaded. Here, we should ask ourselves a crucial question, "Knowing
what I know, if I could go back in time, would I make the same
commitment?"
Social Proof
One means we use to determine what is correct is to find out what other
people think is correct. We view a behavior as more correct in a given
situation to the degree that we see other performing it. The principle of
social proof can be used to stimulate a person's compliance with a request
by informing the person that many other individuals (the more, the better,
the more "famous" the better) are or have been complying with it. This
weapon of influence provides us with a shortcut for determining how to
behave, but, as the same time, makes one who uses the shortcut vulnerable to
the attacks of profiteers who lie in wait along its path (introduction
seminars or guest dinners, retreats to recruit cult members--provide the
models of the behavior the group wants to produce in the new recruit) Social
proof is most influential under two conditions:
- uncertainty (when people are unsure, when the situation is
ambiguous, they are more likely to attend to the actions of others and
to accept those actions as correct);
- similarity (people are more inclined to follow the lead of similar
others) Recommendations on how to reduce our susceptibility to faulty
social proof include a sensitivity to clearly counterfeit evidence of
what similar others are doing and a recognition that the actions of
similar others should not form the sole basis for our decisions.
Liking
People prefer to say yes to individuals they know and like. This simple
rules enables us to learn about factors that influence the liking process by
examining which factors compliance professionals emphasize to increase their
overall attractiveness and their consequent effectiveness. Compliance
practitioners regularly use several such factors. One feature of a person
that influences overall attractiveness is physical attractiveness. Although
it has long been suspected that physical beauty provides an advantage in
social interaction, research indicates that the advantage may be greater
than supposed. Physical attractiveness seems to engender a "halo" effect
that extends to favorable impressions of other traits such as talent,
kindness, and intelligence. As a result, attractive people are more
persuasive both in terms of getting what they request and in changing
others' attitudes. A second factor that influences liking and compliance is
similarity. We like people who are like us and are more willing to say yes
to their requests, often in an unthinking manner. Another factor that
produces liking is praise; although they can sometimes backfire when crudely
transparent, compliments general enhance liking, and thus, compliance.
Increased familiarity through repeated contact with a person or thing is yet
another factor that normally facilitates liking. But this relationship holds
true principally when the contact takes place under positive rather than
negative circumstances. One positive circumstance that works especially well
is mutual and successful cooperation. A fifth factor linked to like is mere
association. By connecting themselves or their products with positive
things, merchants of influence frequently seek to share in the positivity
through the process of association. Other individuals as well appear to
recognize the effect of simple connections and try to associate themselves
with favorable events and distance themselves from unfavorable events in the
eyes of observers. A potentially effective strategy for reducing the
unwanted influence of liking on compliance decisions requires a special
sensitivity to the experience of undue liking for a requester. Upon
recognizing that we like a requester inordinately well under the
circumstances, we should step back from the social interaction, mentally
separate the requester from his or her offer, and make any compliance
decision based solely on the merits of the offer
Authority
In the Milgram studies of obedience, we can see evidence of a strong
pressure in our society for compliance with the requests of an authority.
The strength of this tendency to obey legitimate authorities comes from
systematic socialization practices designed to instill in society members
the perception that such obedience constitutes correct conduct . In
addition, it is frequently adaptive to obey the dictates of genuine
authorities because such individuals usually possess high levels of
knowledge, wisdom, and power. For these reasons, deference to authorities
can occur in a mindless fashion as a kind of decision-making shortcut. When
reacting to authority in an automatic fashion, there is a tendency to do so
in response to the mere symbols of authority rather than to its substance.
Three kinds of symbols that have been shown by research to be effective in
this regard are
- titles;
- clothing;
- automobiles. In separate studies investigating the influence of
these symbols, individuals possessing one or another of them (and no
other legitimizing credentials) were accorded more deference or
obedience by those they encountered. Moreover, in each instance, those
individuals who deferred or obeyed underestimated the effect of
authority pressures on their behaviors. It is possible to defend
ourselves against the detrimental effects of authority influence by
asking two questions: Is this authority truly an expert? How truthful
can we expect this expert to be here? The first question directs our
attention away from symbols and toward evidence for authority status.
The second advises us to consider not just the expert's knowledge in the
situation but also his or her trustworthiness. With regard to this
second consideration, we should be alert to the trust-enhancing tactic
in which a communicator first provides some mildly negative information
about him- or herself. Through this strategy the person creates a
perception of honesty that makes all subsequent information seem even
more credible to observers.
Scarcity
According to the scarcity principle, people assign more value to
opportunities when they are less available. The use of this principle for
profit can be seen in such compliance techniques as the "limited number" and
"deadline" tactics, wherein practitioners try to convince us that access to
what they are offering is restricted by amount or time. The scarcity
principle holds true for two reasons:
- because things that are difficult to attain are typically more
valuable, the availability of an item or experience can serve as a
shortcut cue to its quality;
- as things become less accessible, we lose freedoms. According to
psychological reactance theory, we respond to the loss of freedoms by
wanting to have them (along with the goods and services connected to
them) more than before. As a motivator, psychological reactance is
present throughout the great majority of the life span. However, it is
especially evident at a pair of ages: "the terrible twos" and the
teenage years. Both of these times are characterized by an emerging
sense of individuality, which brings to prominence such issues as
control, rights, and freedom. Consequently, individuals at these ages
are especially sensitive to restrictions. In addition to its effect on
the valuation of commodities, the scarcity principle also applies to the
way that information is evaluated. Research indicates that the act of
limiting access to a message causes individuals to want to receive it
more and to become more favorable to it. The latter of these
findings--that limited information is more persuasive--seems the more
interesting. In the case of censorship, this effect occurs even when the
message has not been received. When a message has been received, it is
more effective if it is perceived as consisting of exclusive
information. ("We" have the truth....we have special knowledge).
The scarcity principle is most likely to hold true under two optimizing
conditions:
- scarce items are heightened in value when they are newly scarce (we
value those things that have become recently restricted more than those
that were restricted all along);
- we are most attracted to scarce resources when we compete with
others for them. It is difficult to steel ourselves cognitively against
scarcity pressures because they have an emotion-arousing quality that
makes thinking difficult. In defense, we might try to be alert to a rush
of arousal in situations involving scarcity. Once so alerted, we can
take steps to calm the arousal and assess the merits of the opportunity
in terms of why we want it.
*Taken from Influence. Science and Practice, Robert B.
Cialdini, Scott, Foresman and Company, 1985; Summary notes.
|